Assimilation definition psychology examples of dual relationship

Assimilation in Sociology: Definitions and Aids to Assimilation

assimilation definition psychology examples of dual relationship

The Relevance of Piaget to the Psychoanalytic Theory of Transference . the " therapeutic alliance," the "working alliance," and the "real relationship" .. Depending on the specific meaning of "woman" to the patient in that context, for example. For example, it has been argued that the offspring of earlier extent to which social relationships are maintained inside the ethnic community. . At the school level, 80 high schools (defined as any school .. Psychological well-being is another outcome that has been studied extensively in the literature. Some of the definitions of assimilation are the following: Assimilation is a social and psychological process. The best example of assimilation is that of the foreigners being assimilated in the Husbands and wives, starting marriage with dissimilar back-grounds often develop a surprising unity of interest and purpose.

Characterizing Community Contexts The Add Health study is rich not only in providing multiple measures of assimilation,but also in its measurements of community characteristics.

We use two definitions of community context in this paper: Our emphasis is on the aggregate socioeconomic condition not the immigrant composition of community contexts. We briefly discuss these measures below.

Neighborhood context As in most other studies of neighborhood effects i. The Add Health respondents who were interviewed at home at Wave 1 lived in 2, census tracts.

Assimilation in Sociology: Definitions and Aids to Assimilation

Thus, we chose to use a simple measure of the poverty rate in the census tract. If immigrant children are assimilated, it is plausible that they are assimilated more into the school context than into the neighborhood context. We measure the overall socioeconomic background of the students attending the school with a simple variable -- the proportion of the students' mothers who have not completed high school.

The information comes from students' own reports of their mothers' education in the in-school questionnaire at Wave 1. In earlier rounds of the analyses, we used the two contextual measures both as continuous variables and as dichotomous variables. Although the substantive results are very similar, we chose to present the results using dichotomized forms of the contextual measures to better capture the idea, prominent in segmented assimilation theory, that immigrant children may assimilate to the urban underclass.

Sample statistics for both measures of community context are given in the second panel of Appendix B.

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A higher value means a less favorable community context. Outcomes As outcomes of interest, we focus on three domains: While measures of assimilation and community context are based on data from Wave 1, outcome measures are based on cumulative data from Waves 1 through 3.

One major advantage of using multiple measures in multiple domains is that they provide a triangulation of results. If they yield results that consistently reject or confirm hypotheses derived from our interpretation of segmented assimilation theory, we are more confident in drawing either affirmative or negative conclusions. If the results differ, they push us to look for explanations for the divergence. Below, we discuss outcome measures in the three domains in turn. For some outcomes, such as educational attainment and sexual behavior, we constructed composite variables utilizing longitudinal information from multiple waves of AddHealth.

For others, such as psychological wellbeing, delinquency, violence, and use of controlled substances, parallel measures are available in different waves of the AddHealth. For the latter, we chose the assessments in Wave 1 for two reasons.

Assimilation approach to measuring organizational change from pre- to post-intervention

First, because these outcomes are often thought in the literature to be affected by the assimilation process in the short term, we wish to match the timing of the assessments with the timing of measuring assimilation as closely as possible.

Second, this decision allows us to retain as many subjects from the original sample as possible, thus minimizing the risk for selection biases due to attrition. Educational outcomes have been frequently studied in research on immigrant children. In this research, we use three measures of academic achievement: Our first measure is graduation from high school.

By Wave 3, even the youngest cohort of Add Health respondents should have graduated from high school. In fact, this cohort should have been 2 years past graduation following the normal progression schedule.

Our second measure is college enrollment. Third, we construct a measure of academic performance based on self-reported grades in Wave 1. One shortcoming of grades as an outcome measure is that they are not comparable across schools. That is, an A student in a school with students who all perform poorly may not have learned as much as a B student in a better school.

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Marginality refers to a painful split, with accompanying feelings of insecurity, alienation, and ambivalence toward both the ethnic subculture and the dominant society. We measure depression, the most common mental health problem among adolescents, with a item Epidemiological Studies Depression CES-D scale.

We use the same set of self-esteem indicators as Bankston and Zhou For both depression and self-esteem, we combine the items, after reverse-coding certain items, to form composite scales.

assimilation definition psychology examples of dual relationship

A higher value means greater depression or higher self-esteem. Variable definitions and sample statistics for all the outcome variables are given by race in the third panel of Appendix B. At-risk behaviors are important outcomes in studies of immigrant children e. For this study, we use four measures of at-risk behaviors: Our delinquency and violence measures are based on series of questions that measure the frequency of various delinquent or violent behaviors.

We use 10 items on delinquent behavior and 9 items on violent behavior to construct composite measures of each. We create the composite scales by summing the self-reported occurrences in the past 12 months on all relevant items.

For example, the delinquency scale potentially ranges from 0 for a respondent who reported no delinquent behaviors to 10 for a respondent who engaged in every behavior at least once. We derive our measure of controlled substance use from the self-reported use of tobacco, alcohol, and marijuana. Smoking and marijuana usage were measured by the number of days used in the past month.

Alcohol consumption was measured by the frequency of use over the past 12 months. As expected, use of controlled substances varies highly by age and substance. Therefore, we standardize the three items on smoking, drinking, and marijuana use by age. Starting with the age-specific distributions of use for each substance, we first determine respondent's age-specific percentile scores along each of the distributions.

We then combine the information from the three items into a single scale by taking the average percentile score across all three. Finally, we model age at first sexual intercourse. Adolescents who have sex at young ages are at greater risk of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases than those who delay the onset of sexual intercourse.

Sexual intercourse is not an easy outcome to examine, for two reasons. First, the crucial information is about the timing of initiation of sex. Second, this outcome variable may be censored for some respondents who had not experienced sex by the time they were last interviewed. For these two reasons, it is necessary to construct event-history records concerning the timing of sex initiation. We model the hazard rate of sex initiation given that one has not initiated sex.

We estimate Cox proportional hazard models to study the effect of assimilation and context on the hazard of experiencing first sexual intercourse. Statistical Analysis Our analytical strategy for examining the empirical relationship between social context and assimilation consequences is to estimate regression models.

Specific forms of actual regressions differ depending on the nature of the dependent i. For continuous outcome variables academic performance, self-esteem, depression, delinquency, violence, and controlled substance usewe use ordinary least squares OLS linear regressions.

For the dichotomous outcome variables high school graduation and college enrollmentwe estimate logit regression models. For the hazard of sex initiation, we use the Cox proportional hazards event history model. Throughout the analyses, we apply appropriate sampling and panel weights to account for stratified disproportionate sampling and differential rates of non-response and attrition over time.

However, the data are of a limited sample size and do not allow us to estimate too many interaction parameters. Thus, we make the following compromise: The structural portion of the regression models takes the following form omitting subscript i for the ith individual: This is the coefficient that corresponds to the inequality relationship expressed by equation 1.

This is true because, according to the theory, contextual disadvantage should impact immigrant children who are partially assimilated less than their peers who are fully assimilated. According to our interpretation of segmented assimilation theory, the negative effect of living in a low SES neighborhood strengthens as an immigrant is more assimilated. Let us now highlight additional features of equation 2: There are six measures of A for assimilation. Each A yields a separate model specification.

We include country of origin, or ethnicity, as one of the key covariates in X. We apply the model to all of the nine outcome variables, separately for Asians and Hispanics. Statistical significance is given for the comparison between respondents living in low-SES neighborhoods and those living in high-SES neighborhoods within each demographic group.

For comparative purposes, we show figures for two groups of immigrant children as well as for three groups of natives - all natives, native whites, and native blacks. Previous literature has shown that children and adolescents who live in low-SES neighborhoods tend to have poorer outcomes, on average, across a wide variety of domains see Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn for a comprehensive review.

This disparity by neighborhood SES holds true in our sample with respect to educational outcomes. Across all five groups, adolescents living in high-SES neighborhoods are significantly more likely than those in low-SES neighborhoods to graduate from high school and attend college.

For all groups except Asian immigrants, they also have higher academic achievement. Differences in depression also tend to run in the expected direction: For Hispanic immigrants, all natives, and native whites, adolescents living in high-SES neighborhoods have lower depression levels, while there is no significant difference at the. Thus assimilation has two parts or stages one is the suppression of the parent culture, the other is the acquisition of new ways, including new language.

The two may overlap in point of time. The adoption of some of the dominant culture by another cultural group paves the way for absorption of the new cultural group with the dominant culture. Some traits are readily adopted even if the two groups are only slightly in contact.

From the whites the American Indians quickly learned to use intoxicants and fire arms. On the other hand, the early American settlers did not hesitate before long in adopting the Indian uses of food stuffs like potatoes, maize, etc. Similarly, immigrants in America or Europe usually begin to wear American or European style clothes almost as soon as they land and so on. The social contacts thus established finally result in assimilation. The speed of the process of assimilation naturally depends on the nature of the contacts.

If the contacts are primary, assimilation occurs naturally and rapidly but if they are secondary, i. Hindrances and Aids to Assimilation: Assimilation is not a simple but a complex process. There are certain factors which facilitate assimilation and others which hinder or retard it. The rate of assimilation of a cultural minority depends upon whether the facilitating or retarding factors predominate.

According to Gillin and Gillin, factors favouring assimilation are toleration, equal economic opportunity, sympathetic attitude on the part of the dominating group towards the minority group, exposure to the dominant culture, similarity between the cultures of the minority and dominant groups and amalgamation or intermarriage. On the other hand, factors hindering or retarding assimilation are isolating conditions of life, attitudes of superiority on the part of the dominant group, excessive physiological, cultural and social differences between the groups and persecution of the minority group by the majority group.

MacIver lists the following factors which may account for the ready acceptance of some groups and relative antagonism towards others: The state of the development of the society entered: For instance, immigrants were most acceptable in America before when strength and skill of every kind were needed in the development of new land s and growing industries but those coming in the year after have not been accepted with the same advantages—those entering after have been rather dewed as a threat to the economic well-being of native workers.

The immigrant has a great advantage when he already possesses the skill and training in the work for which there is a need in the new country. For instance, he immigrants skilled in industries have better chances of being readily accepted in industrially undeveloped countries and so have the people of rural background in countries of agrarian economy. A single Chinese or Japanese or Mexican family in a community may be highly esteemed if the individuals are personally acceptable.

Should the lumber of such families increase, the situation may become radically different. The larger the proportion of new comers, the relater is the resistance of the established group to their integration. Differences in features, complexion of kin and other physical traits may also help or hinder in assimilation.

The Dont's of Dual Relationships

We can see discrimination between the White and the Negro races almost everywhere in the world. Generally the adjustment problems are the easiest for those immigrants who in appearance re supposedly most like the people of the new land. It may be pointed out that physical differences in themselves do not produce antagonisms or prejudice between people as is the case in South astern Asia and Latin America, but when other factors operate to produce group frictions, physical differences give rise to inferiority and undesirability.

Language and religion are usually considered to be the main constituents of culture. Immigrants having same religion and language as the people of the country of heir adoption can easily adjust themselves there. In America, for sample, English speaking Protestants are assimilated with the greatest speed and ease whereas non-Christians who do not speak English, have the greatest difficulty in being assimilated there, customs and beliefs are other cultural characteristics which can d or hinder assimilation.

assimilation definition psychology examples of dual relationship

The role of semi-community: Sometimes immigrants who come in large numbers settle in compact colonies where they continue to practise their native folkways instead of participating in the life around them. Such semi-communities play an important double role in the assimilation process.

On the one hand, such a community by retaining many features of the traditional way of life enables the new comers to identify themselves with their fellowmen and adjust to the new conditions easily. On the other hand, the existence of such communities is viewed as alien and distasteful by the majority. Besides the above factors listed by MacIver, prejudice may also impede assimilation. As long as the dominant group does not prejudge those who have been set apart, they as neither a group nor their individual members can easily become assimilated to the general culture.