Jacob Zuma - Wikipedia
Former intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils says he had asked former president Thabo Mbeki to contest for the role of ANC president in the. Dozens of ANC stalwarts are urging President Zuma to meet with them to Thabo Mbeki has written a personal letter to President Jacob Zuma. Mbeki's parents were very involved in improving the conditions of their . He met Nelson Mandela and other leaders of the ANC and learnt . In March , Mbeki, Albert Dhlomo and Jacob Zuma were arrested in Swaziland.
READ: Thabo Mbeki’s letter to President Zuma
Mbeki has sometimes been characterised as remote and academic, although in his second campaign for the Presidency inmany observers described him as finally relaxing into more traditional ways of campaigning, sometimes dancing at events and even kissing babies. He sometimes used his column to deliver pointed invectives against political opponents, and at other times used it as a kind of professor of political theory, educating ANC cadres on the intellectual justifications for African National Congress policy.
Although these columns were remarkable for their dense prose, they often were used to influence news. Although Mbeki did not generally make a point of befriending or courting reporters, his columns and news events often yielded good results for his administration by ensuring that his message is a primary driving force of news coverage. He drew criticism from the left for his perceived abandonment of state-interventionist social democratic economic policies, such as nationalisation, land reform, and democratic capital controls, prescribed by the Freedom Charterthe ANC's seminal document.
For instance, in a column discussing Hurricane Katrina he cited Wikipedia, quoted at length a discussion of Katrina's lessons on American inequality from the Native American publication Indian Country Today and then included excerpts from a David Brooks column in the New York Times in a discussion of why the events of Katrina illustrated the necessity for global development and redistribution of wealth.
His penchant for quoting diverse and sometimes obscure sources, both from the Internet and from a wide variety of books, made his column an interesting parallel to political blogs although the ANC does not describe it in these terms.
His views on AIDS see below were supported by Internet searching which led him to so-called " AIDS denialist " websites; in this case, Mbeki's use of the Internet was roundly criticised and even ridiculed by opponents. Zimbabwe's hyperinflation since was a matter of increasing concern to Britain as the former colonial power and other donors to that country.
High-ranking diplomatic visits to South Africa repeatedly attempted to persuade Mbeki to take a harder line with Robert Mugabe over violent state-sponsored attacks on political opponents and opposition movements, expropriation of white-owned farms by ZANU-PF allied "war veterans"sanctioning against the press, and infringements on the independence of the judiciary.
Rather than publicly criticising Mugabe's government, Mbeki chose "quiet diplomacy" over "megaphone diplomacy" — his term for the West's increasingly forthright condemnation of Mugabe's rule. Mbeki is even quoted claiming "there is no crisis"  in Zimbabwe, despite increased evidence of political violence and murders, hyperinflation, and the influx of political refugees into South Africa.
The point really about all this from our perspective has been that the critical role we should play is to assist the Zimbabweans to find each other, really to agree among themselves about the political, economic, social, other solutions that their country needs. We could have stepped aside from that task and then shouted, and that would be the end of our contribution They would shout back at us and that would be the end of the story.
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I'm actually the only head of government that I know anywhere in the world who has actually gone to Zimbabwe and spoken publicly very critically of the things that they are doing. Concerns over the conduct of the election in Zimbabwe prompted debate within the Commonwealth and led to a difficult decision to suspend Zimbabwe from the organisation. Mbeki supported Mugabe during this period. On 20 March 10 days after the elections, which Mugabe won Howard announced that they had agreed to suspend Zimbabwe for a year.
A 50 person-strong South African Observer Mission found that the outcome of the Zimbabwe presidential elections "should be considered legitimate" despite condemnations over the conduct of the election by the CommonwealthNorwegian observers, Zimbabwean opposition figures, and Western governments and media. The Khampepe Report contradicted the South African Observer Mission and found that the election "cannot be considered to be free and fair"  and documented murders mostly committed against supporters of the opposition MDC by Zanu-PF militias in the weeks before the elections.
I have no reason to think that anything will happen … that anybody in Zimbabwe will act in a way that will militate against the elections being free and fair.
Contrary to other international missions and parts of the SA Parliamentary Mission, the mission congratulated the people of Zimbabwe for holding a peaceful, credible and well-mannered election which reflects the will of the people. The Democratic Alliance delegation part SA Parliamentary Observer Mission clashed with the minister and eventually submitted a separate report contradicting her findings. The elections were widely denounced and many accused Zanu-PF of massive and often violent intimidation, using food to buy votes, and large discrepancies in the tallying of votes.
A fact-finding mission in by Congress of South African Trade Unions to Zimbabwe led to their widely publicised deportation back to South Africa which reopened the debate, even within the ANC, as to whether Mbeki's policy of "quiet diplomacy" was constructive. On 5 February Mbeki said in an interview with SABC television that Zimbabwe had missed a chance to resolve its political crisis in when secret talks to agree on a new constitution ended in failure.
He claimed that he saw a copy of a new constitution signed by all parties. Mbeki has to tell the world what he was really talking about. He required that the MDC accept and recognise Robert Mugabe was the president of Zimbabwe, and the MDC accept the presidential election results  despite widespread belief of being unfree, unfair, and fraudulent.
Our role and responsibility is not just to promote discussion Our aim must be to achieve meaningful and sustainable change. The media mis-quoted Squires with the phrase "A generally corrupt relationship" existed between Zuma and Shaikwhereas these exact words do not appear in the court transcripts.
Media sources later switched to the phrase "mutually beneficial symbiosis", from the judgment's paragraph Mbeki told a joint sitting of parliament that "in the interest of the honourable Deputy President, the government, our young democratic system and our country, it would be best to release the honourable Jacob Zuma from his responsibilities as Deputy President of the republic and member of the cabinet. The case was struck from the roll of the Pietermaritzburg High Court, after the prosecution's application for a postponement petitioned in order to allow the NPA to secure admissible forms of documentation required as evidence was dismissed.
In dismissing the application for postponement, the Court rendered moot the defence's application for a permanent stay of proceedings which would prevent Zuma from being criminally prosecuted. As the prosecution was not ready the case was struck from the roll after the prosecution's application for a postponement was dismissed,  however Zuma's legal team was unsuccessful in its attempts to have the courts grant a permanent stay of proceedings which would have rendered Zuma immune to prosecution on the charges.
This left Zuma open to being recharged with corruption as soon as the NPA completed preparing its case. This ruling pertained to the National Prosecuting Authority obtaining the personal diary of senior member of a French arms company, which may have provided information relating to Zuma's possible corrupt practices during the awarding of an arms deal. A conviction and sentence to a term of imprisonment of more than one year would have rendered Zuma ineligible for election to the South African Parliament, and consequently he would not have been eligible to serve as President of South Africa.
On 12 SeptemberPietermaritzburg Judge Chris Nicholson held that Zuma's corruption charges were unlawful on procedural grounds in that the National Directorate of Public Prosecutions "NDPP" did not give Zuma a chance to make representations before deciding to charge him a requirement of the South Africa Constitutionand directed the state to pay legal costs. Nicholson also stressed that his ruling did not relate to Zuma's guilt or innocence, but was merely on a procedural point.
Various media reports had incorrectly reported that the charges against Zuma had been dismissed. In paragraph 47 of the Judgment, Judge Nicholson wrote: The obligation to hear representations forms part of the audi alteram partem principle. What is required is that a person who may be adversely affected by a decision be given an opportunity to make representations with a view to procuring a favourable result. The affected person should usually be informed of the gist or the substance of the case, which he is to answer.
Judge Nicholson found that there were various inferences to be drawn from the timing of the charges levelled against Zuma such as the fact that he was charged soon after he was elected president of the ANC which would warrant a conclusion that there had been a degree of political interference by the Executive arm of government.
Judge Nicholson writes in paragraph of his judgement: This factor, together with the suspension of Mr Pikoli, who was supposed to be independent and immune from executive interference, persuade me that the most plausible inference is that the baleful political influence was continuing. In paragraph of the Judgement Judge Nicholson went on to write: There is a distressing pattern in the behaviour which I have set out above indicative of political interference, pressure or influence.
It commences with the "political leadership" given by Minister Maduna to Mr Ngcuka, when he declined to prosecute the applicant, to his communications and meetings with Thint representatives and the other matters to which I have alluded. Given the rules of evidence the court is forced to accept the inference which is the least favourable to the party's cause who had peculiar knowledge of the true facts.
It is certainly more egregious than the "hint or suggestion" of political interference referred to in the Yengeni matter. It is a matter of grave concern that this process has taken place in the new South Africa given the ravages it caused under the Apartheid order. The NDPP soon announced its intention to appeal the decision. It was improper for the court to make such far-reaching "vexatious, scandalous and prejudicial" findings concerning me, to be judged and condemned on the basis of the findings in the Zuma matter.
Thabo Mbeki - Wikipedia
The interests of justice, in my respectful submission would demand that the matter be rectified. These adverse findings have led to my being recalled by my political party, the ANC — a request I have acceded to as a committed and loyal member of the ANC for the past 52 years.
I fear that if not rectified, I might suffer further prejudice. Deputy Judge President Louis Harms had to rule on two aspects of the appeal. The first aspect was whether or not Zuma had the right to be invited to make representations to the NPA before they decided to reinstate charges of bribery and corruption against him. The second aspect was whether Judge Nicholson was correct in implying political meddling by the then President Thabo Mbeki with regards to the NPA's decision to charge Zuma.
On the question of Nicholson's inferences of political meddling by Mbeki, Harms DP found that the lower court "overstepped the limits of its authority". NPA spokesperson Mthunzi Mhaga said he could not file papers because there were "outstanding matters" to be resolved.
Zille, the Democratic Alliance's party head contended that Zuma's response was fundamentally wrong and "devoid of any constitutional basis". The poll, conducted by TNS Research Studies in the last half of Junerevealed that Zuma's approval ratings had steadily improved.
Judge Aubrey Ledwaba found three contradictions in Mr Mpshe's affidavits explaining his decision to withdraw the charges against President Zuma: Mpshe should have followed the legal processes on emergence of the "spy tapes" and allow the courts to decide if the charges should have been withdrawn.
He acted "alone and impulsively", and therefore his decision was "irrational". The decision from has been set aside. Judge Eric Leach's ruling was made after an application was brought before the court by Zuma and the NPA to review the original judgement, resulting in them having to pay the costs of the failed application. Zuma's dismissal was interpreted in two ways. Many international observers hailed it as a clear sign that the South African government was dedicated to rooting out corruption within its own ranks.
20 Things you don’t know about Thabo Mbeki
On the other hand, some within South Africa focused on the fact that Zuma and Mbeki represent different constituencies within the African National Congress. Some left-wing supporters claimed that Mbeki and his more market-oriented wing of the party had conspired to oust Zuma to entrench their dominance in the ANC. At one court date, Zuma supporters burned T-shirts with Mbeki's picture on them, which earned the condemnation of the ANC; Zuma and his allies urged a return to party discipline for subsequent gatherings.